The same phenomenon is noticed in the other industrial centers, like Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Tula, etc. The situation of the workers is extremely difficult. As noted above, these unions are bureaucratic organizations designed to maintain order and “social harmony” at the workplace, to … In 2007, however, a number of important strikes took place, especially in the North-West of Russia. The slogans of international solidarity were forgotten. First of all, it took possession of all the State institutions; it took possession of the State apparatus itself, knowing full well what decisive role this apparatus plays in the class struggle. For example, the cost of cotton yarn decreased because of the technological and industrial advances. I Vserossiiskii Syezd Profsoyuzov (First All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions, Moscow, 1918), p 10.. 2. At the beginning of World War I, the number of urban wage labourers is estimated at between 12 and 22 million, roughly half of them being employed in factories, small-scale enterprises and construction. [20] Workers felt threatened by the prospective of being drafted, but also a temporary upsurge of patriotism had permeated the working class. For the events in Ivanovo, see: Mandel, David: The Ivanovo-Kineshma Workers in War and Revolution, in: Haimson/Sapelli (eds. Albert, Gleb: Labour Movements, Trade Unions and Strikes (Russian Empire) , in: 1914-1918-online. The control over production could not be realized integrally before having in advance decided the most fundamental question: Who is the master of the factory? The Russian Revolution, through both the experience of the soviets and, centrally, the capture of state power, opened an important debate between the Communists and the syndicalists over the relationship between unions and politics which is examined in Darlington’s book. All-Russian Confederation of Labour, formed in 1995, affiliated with the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and the General Confederation of Trade Unions. 1917-1918 gody [Revolution, State, Workers’ Protest. A metal worker working, for example, in a weaving factory is, a member of the textile union; while the carpenter, working in a metal factory, is a member of the metal workers’ union. Soviet Workers and the New Communist Elite, London 2008; Murphy, Kevin: Revolution and Counterrevolution. However, this thing easily explains itself; the Bolsheviki have acquired a preponderating influence in the labor movement because they express plainly and methodically the interests of the classes which struggle and labor. [The Socio-Cultural Outlook of Russian Industrial Workers, 1900-1941], Moscow 2009. [44] A completely new type of workers’ organisation, the factory committees, surfaced at the enterprises. It outlines the decline of strikes in the second half of 1914, and the subsequent resurgence of protest in the following years, leading to the toppling of autocracy in 1917. It immediately proceeded with the creation of all-Russian organizations of employers, embracing thousands of enterprises with millions of workers. Even the State of Monaco has a determined social foundation; only Russia has none. To better understand the situation facing … The Revolution is not a plaything with which one amuses oneself and gets tired of. workers’ control implied only a LIMITATION of the private property and not its ABOLITION. organizations are obliged to do on international scale what they have been doing on national scale. Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917- 1918 by Gennady Shkliarevsky; Soviet State and Society between Revolutions, 1918-1929 by Lewis H. Siegelbaum; Mary McAuley; The Electrification of Russia, 1880-1926 by Jonathan Coopersmith / Review. As soon as the victory was certain, the unions and the soviets of workers’ deputies established the central organisms of direction in industry. The chairmen and the secretaries of the unions were deported to Siberia. The internal uprisings, organized and supported by the Entente, the Brest-Litovsk peace which was imposed on us, the grabbing of Ukraine, of Siberia, Archangel, Caucasus, of Turkestan, the southern provinces, all this forced our unions to ask themselves: “What are the unions in the other countries doing?” How do they react? [7] Thus, the politics of national cohesion (“Burgfrieden”) called out by the governments of the combatant nations had to be far more fragile in Russia than in other European countries. Then, is it the Proletariat? [15] These processes resulted in changes in the composition of the working class. We do not ask for aid and compassion from our class enemies and of their lackeys. To what extent does this viewpoint correspond to the viewpoint of the Russian proletariat? In Petrograd the metal workers displayed the most intensive and numerous strike activity. No regime can exist that does not reflect the interests of a determined class, if it is not the expression of the hopes and aspirations of a determined social group which plays a decisive role in production. The Bolsheviks had a certain advantage over their socialist rivals in that they were more likely to be called upon to perform illegal work, however their contributions were scattered. Create lists, bibliographies and reviews: or Search WorldCat. Written: 1920 The strike as an economic struggle disappeared by this fact. 480–483. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, Vladimir Lenin, founder of the Russian Communist Party, took control of the Soviet Union. The organised labour movement was weak due to its almost complete illegality. Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-1918. 74-75; McKean, St Petersburg 1990, p. 328. [14] At the same time, due to the needs of the war, branches of industry related to military production (particularly metal working and chemicals) experienced growth; in Petrograd, the working class in the capital grew by 62 percent. [41] All political parties could operate in the open, and the Leftist parties were allowed to grow substantially. While economic struggles continued, the political strike movement gained new momentum throughout September and October, while at the same time General Lavr G. Kornilov’s (1870-1918) failed coup made the Bolsheviks increasingly popular among workers. The Soviets of workers’ deputies are the organs of power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. is licensed under: CC by-NC-ND 3.0 Germany - Attribution, Non-commercial, No Derivative Works. This can easily be seen by these divers facts: in the All-Russian conference of the unions held during the month of June. This triggered a massive wave of protest strikes in the industrial centres of the empire. This form of organization was very difficult to establish. From the first days of the March Revolution the working class and its “absurd aspirations” became the object of a furious hatred on the part of the contractors and manufacturers: these gentry understood perfectly well that the Revolution once begun could not be stopped half-way, that one of the principal classes, the bourgeoisie or the proletariat, must be master of the situation. Search for Library Items Search for Lists Search for Contacts Search for a Library. The actions and politics of the workers from the outbreak of the war up until the October revolution shaped the course of Russian history for the whole 20th century. Reassessments of 1917, Cambridge et al. This article provides analytical description of the labor movement in Russia with a particular focus on the differences between two types of labor unions: the “official” unions, affiliated with the Soviet‐legacy Federation of Independent Trade Unions (FNPR), and the so‐called free or alternative labor unions, which do not belong to FNPR. The bourgeois press of the whole world invents the most abominable lies against the Russian workers. When female workers in Petrograd took to the streets on 23 February 1917 to protest against food shortages, the protests widened into a political general strike in the capital. Haimson/Brian, Labor Unrest 1992, pp. Capitalist society is decomposing and only Communism can save mankind. Revolution in the Factories 1917-1918, Cambridge 1983, pp. [19], The outbreak of the war brought the Russian labour movement to a complete halt for nearly a year. The textile workers’ union which during the same period had 36,000 members in Petrograd, now has only 10,000. To be in the same union with a nurse, or — what horror! Postnikov/Fel’dman, Oblik [The Outlook] 2009, p. 239; Hasegawa, Revolution 1981, p. 80. [43] Trade unions re-established themselves and grew substantially compared to the war years. They elect their representatives to the organisms that supervise supply (inspection of supply); 7. While the FNPR unions are not the sole representatives of Russian employees on the ground, they hold 27 of the 30 trade union seats on the Russian Trilateral Commission on the Regulation of Social and Labour Relations that deals with labor issues. [12] The two biggest strike waves in the pre-war period occurred between 1905 and 1906, in the wake of the revolution, and between 1912 and 1914, as a reaction of the massacre of mine workers in the Lena goldfields. The theory and practice of the Mensheviki and the Social-Revolutionists extolling collaboration with the bourgeoisie but in reality leaving the workers at the mercy of the employers, obtained the majority at the All-Russian Conference of the unions on June 17th, 1917, but they were completely discredited in the month of August, 1917. Thus czarism made impossible all organized economic struggle. Thatcher, Workers 2005, pp. Kirianov, Strike Movement 1992, p. 378. The earliest recorded strike occurred in 1768 when New Yorkjourneymen tailors protested a wage reduction. The Labor Code (as of July 2006) repealed the 1995 Law “On the Procedure for Solving Collective Labor Disputes”and to some degree changed the legal regulation of strikes. During the days of civil war, the strongest labor organizations (in Petrograd, Moscow, etc.) How is phenomenon to be explained? Both statistical sources do not include strikes on. Yet, as Antoine Prost has noted, the last two decades have seen a r… Since the October days the Russian worker, his organizations, his activities, his great suffering, his spirit of sacrifice, his boundless devotion which permit him to withstand the unheard of tortures of hunger and cold — all this has been jeered at, scoffed at and calumnied. The Revolution taught us to look far beyond our national frontiers, and we knew that the working class and the whole of humanity with it, would not come out from the impasse into which they were driven by the war, unless the labor. The October Revolution has made the international political problem very acute; the Russian unions found themselves face to face with this problem. Nosach, Viktor I: Profsoiuzy Sankt-Peterburga 1905-1930 [The Trade Unions of St. Petersburg], Saint Peterburg 2001; Bonnell, Victoria E.: Roots of Rebellion. The First World War witnessed dramatic developments in the history of labour movements across and beyond Europe. It proceeded with the systematic closing down of those plants and factories in which the workers were more revolutionary, in order to subdue these workers by hunger. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin 2014-10-08. It gives attention to workers and their forms of protest as well as the activities of the organised labour movement and its institutions, such as trade unions and political parties. It can safely be stated that had the Spartacists in Germany had a predominant influence in the labor movement, Germany would be a Soviet Republic by now. For the sake of stability, tsarism insisted on rigid autocracy that effectively shut out the population from participation in government. While in the last five months of 1914, only between forty-one (according to the Factory Inspectorate) and seventy strikes (according to post-1917 calculations) with 9,561 to 34,752 participants were recorded,the year 1915 saw between 928 and 1,063 strikes with between 531,528 and 569,243 strikers. The Revolution would have been impossible in Russia if even before the month of October, 1917, the Bolsheviki did not have the immense majority in all unions, for it is impossible to accomplish a social revolution outside of the unions or against their will. What is their structure? It is necessary to clearly show the particular characteristics of the Russian unions in order to understand their role and their importance. Within a year it had over 9,000 members. McKean, St Petersburg 1981, pp. Pate, Alice: Workers and Obshchestvennost’. Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia… McKean relativises this development, pointing out that these were just trends continuing from pre-war times: McKean, St Petersburg 1981, p. 330. We already have the benefit of real revolutionary experience. The year is 1917. The first strikes in Russia broke out between 1870 and 1880. The reverse of the Hungarian experience is to be found in the fact that the Capp-Lutwitz coup-d’etat in Germany last year was defeated in no time by the united power of the German labor unions, who like one struck a death blow to the monarchist putch (insurrection). From the little supplies we have, he foregoes one part for the army and the other for the children. Nearly 4 million worked in large industrial enterprises. The revolution was a result of complex interplay between workers’ unrest, general popular discontent and elite decision making. Remembering the Russian Revolution. This profoundly irritated the workers and the abyss that was dug then between functionaries and workers, was filled only during the last few months, and not completely at that. New Studies in Russian and Soviet Labour History, Bern 2009, pp. With this yellow capitalist press, with the papers subsidized by the kings of finance, by the barons of coal, steel and oil, we have seen march in line the socialist-patriotic press of all countries, munching in its proper fashion this capitalist and bourgeois piece of invention and wetting it with socialist saliva. First of all, everybody came out from the underground secret party organizations and appeared in the open, the Bolsheviki and the Mensheviki, who obstinately fought to win influence over the masses. Petrograd 1917, Seattle 1981, p. 73; McKean, Robert B.: St Petersburg Between the Revolutions. [49], When the Bolsheviks took power on 25 October, it seemed like a new “honeymoon” period might begin between the labour movement and the new government. Outside of this Union of Unions, in a vertical sense, there exists another Union of Unions in a horizontal sense. Is the October Revolution a socialist revolution or not? Haimson/Brian, Labor Unrest 1992, p. 408–411. 2. ): Strikes, Social Conflict, and the First World War. A sort of bloody drunkenness came over the minds of the workers. From the beginning we drew the line of demarcation between the factory committees, the unions and the Soviets of workers’ deputies. [50] It is still an open debate whether the final political expropriation of the working class by the Bolsheviks was completed by the early or the mid-1920s. They constitute the centers of education and culture among their members; 10. The State, under the Soviet form, as cinder all other forms, must disappear together with the disappearance of the classes. Because the autocratic Russian state prohibited public organization of any sort, especially trade unions, autonomous workers’ movements often shared common interests with revolutionary parties and tended to cooperate with them. When a manufacturer declared that he had no more raw materials or money, a commission of control, elected by the workers, studied his books, verified his treasury, learned from the bank the state of his account and examined to what extent the closing down of the enterprise was inevitable. Thus, the history of the Russian war-time labour movement is as crucial as it is contested. The prejudices of the physicians were melted as well. The Russian unions are not organisms of power; however their resolutions (mostly touching upon questions of the toilers’ life and labor) are definite resolutions and always receive the sanction of the corresponding organs of power. Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-1918: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-18: Amazon.de: Shkliarevsky, Gennady: Fremdsprachige Bücher But the blood, as a great poet has said, is a peculiar moisture: the fields and plains of Europe, saturated with blood, have brought forth a revolutionary blossom. When the Industrial Revolution swept the United States up in a flurry of new innovations and employment opportunities, no regulations existed yet to govern how employees were treated in the factories or mines but organized labor unions began popping up across the country in order to protect these unrepresented working class citizens. For a general discussion of rediscovered revolutionary agency in the historiography of the Russian Revolutions, see Wolff, Frank/Albert, Gleb J.: Neue Perspektiven auf die Russischen Revolutionen und die Frage der Agency, in: Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 52 (2012), pp. There was an economic struggle, but no unions. And what is their future? If the employer offered any resistance, the workers’ red guard threw him out of the factory. When we saw, after the conclusion of the Versailles peace, the international organization for exploitation of the small and weak nations, which bears the nice name of “League of Nations”, create an International Bureau of Labor, composed of workers, masters and representatives of governments, we asked ourselves: “But what are the workers doing in this den of vultures calling itself League of Nations? 1–22; Haimson, Leopold: "The Problem of Political and Social Stability in Urban Russia on the Eve of War and Revolution Revisited", in: Slavic Review 59/4 (2000), pp. The unions could not remain indifferent before these strikes, directed against the Social Revolution. That is very natural; in the workers’ State the labor organizations must by all means exercise such State functions. Immediately after the October Revolution some comrades felt doubtful on this subject. Comrades, permit me to conclude my report by the general characteristics of the situation in which the Russian proletariat finds itself to-day. And in this furious vortex of death and destruction, the speculators of the Stock Exchanges and the financial sharks filled their pockets, transforming the human flesh into money, all stained with blood. Are they really necessary in the actual conditions? The lesson from the Russian Revolution, which is so aptly put by Comrade Lozovsky is that the unions, being the natural grouping of the workers as producers, which develop the class consciousness and militancy of the workers, develop at the same time their sense of responsibility and discipline, preparing them for the difficult task of organizing production and exchange in the Communist society. No, say the Mensheviki and the Social Revolutionists, the workers, too, are against the Soviet power. The manufacturers and industrialists painfully consented to democratic reforms; but they became absolutely intractable when the question of the essence of their privileges and prerogatives arose. Hasegawa, Revolution 1981, pp. Many translated example sentences containing "labor unions" – Russian-English dictionary and search engine for Russian translations. The February 1917 Uprising in Petrograd, Bloomington 1987. And the bourgeoisie began to act. So the role of the unions cannot but grow from day to day and the future of the labor movement at once becomes clear. In 1881 the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions was founded. Class Struggle in a Moscow Metal Factory, New York 2005. Stress should be laid on revolutionary work in the unions that group the mass of the industrial proletariat. At the time, working-class people were often exploited by wealthy owners and treated horribly. Only the eternal fog-dwellers, the old women of socialism, can imagine that a State can exist without a social foundation. We were completely cut off from you. Formed to unite the various revolutionary organizations of the Russian Empire into one party in 1898, the RSDLP later split into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks factions, with the Bolshevik faction … The employers closed their enterprises. Last updated on 07/11/2014 . Thus the closer we approach Communism, the more the Soviet system extends and consolidates itself, its character as a proletarian apparatus of defense and attack will disappear, for this apparatus can exist only as long as the class struggle lasts. Haimson/Brian, Labor Unrest 1992, p. 407. The personnel of the offices and the technicians, especially the latter, did not want at any price to be incorporated in the same union with the workers. The Russian worker feels it in all his daily life. Peasant workers, war refugees, women, and adolescents made an influx into the factories. Pp. Workers went on strike to demand better wages, workplace conditions and individual dignity, but also in solidarity against repression towards workers elsewhere, and in support of other general issues associated with processes of democratisation. The October Revolution triumphed by inscribing on its banner this watchword: “Peace, land and workers’ control!”. Their struggles, combined with increasing discontent felt throughout society at large, resulted in the overthrow of autocracy. The Bolsheviks’ “Decree on Workers’ Control” legalised factory committees’ control over production. Our great crime is to have made the Revolution, not having been too gentle with the bourgeois property, having no particular sympathy for international capitalism, having dared to put a sacrilegious hand on the sacred bourgeois régime. 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